Buckle Up: AZGOP’s Chair Fight Heads to Prescott Valley
Four candidates. Floor motions lurking. Rumors of Trump-world involvement.
Arizona Republicans will choose their next party chair at the AZGOP’s Mandatory Meeting on Saturday, Jan. 24, 2026, at the Findlay Toyota Center in Prescott Valley, a high-stakes gathering that will set the stage for Republicans heading into the 2026 cycle.
There are four candidates for seeking to replace Gina Swoboda for chairman: Sergio Arellano, Robert “Dr. Bob” Branch, Pam Kirby, and Kathleen Winn—each offering a different diagnosis and repair plan for a party grappling with internal conflict, uneven county engagement, and persistent complaints about transparency and basic functionality.
Each candidate sat down with State 48 News Editor Christy Kelly for an on-the-record Q&A. We also thank Grassroots 50 for making available video from a recent candidate forum hosted by Patty Porter and LD12.
Below, each candidate is profiled in alphabetical order—with their priorities, governing style, and specific promises for how they would run the Arizona Republican Party if elected.
First, we’re sharing a brief clip of each candidate’s opening statement so viewers can hear their background and approach in their own words.
This is Arizona politics, so the drama is on the menu for Saturday. Here are some of the hot button issues we can expect:
Floor-fight potential is real. AZGOP bylaws explicitly allow the nominations report to be included in the call without preventing nominations from the floor, which means the list of four is not necessarily the final word once the gavel drops.
Trump-adjacent chatter is in the air. President Donald Trump has recently weighed into Arizona races—most notably issuing a dual endorsement in AZ-01—fueling speculation. As of now, any Trump endorsement in the AZGOP chair race remains unconfirmed. But there are rumors.
A “draft Swoboda” scenario is being whispered. Gina Swoboda entered the AZ-01 race and publicly signaled that party members could decide the chairmanship at the January meeting. With floor nominations allowed, some activists are privately gaming out long-shot procedural moves—including an effort to keep Swoboda in place despite her resignation announcement—though no such motion has been formally noticed publicly.
Eligibility questions will be a flashpoint on Saturday. Under AZGOP bylaws, the state committee elects a chairman “from its membership” at the statutory organizational meeting—a line now being cited by critics who argue that chair candidates must be elected state committeemen. There is chatter on whether the SC can be appointed. Arellano has addressed the critique directly, and his response is included here.
Put it all together and this meeting is not just a leadership vote—it is a stress test. State committeemen are being asked to pick a chair while navigating procedural landmines, competing power centers, and a party base that is done with dysfunction. If the wrong person emerges or if the process collapses into chaos—the blowback could trail into the success or failure of the 2026 elections.
Buckle up, Arizona. This one matters.
Sergio Arellano: “Communications” first, rural focus, and a promise to empower grassroots media
Sergio Arellano told State 48 News he is running as the candidate who has already been doing the job many activists say the state party stopped doing: regular outreach, consistent communications, and hands-on support for legislative districts and counties that feel ignored.
“To me, it’s pretty easy, because that’s what I’ve been doing this whole time,” Arellano said. “Been doing the media, the communications, the meetings, the outreach, the engagement, the collaboration.”
Arellano made rural outreach the centerpiece of his pitch, arguing the party’s “center of gravity” has drifted toward internal drama and away from the counties that still keep Arizona competitive. “The biggest complaint right now is rural Arizona,” he said, noting he had just returned from Navajo County.
“It’s really sad and disheartening when these state committeemen and PCs don’t get the attention that they deserve… and one thing that’s lost upon a lot of people is the fact that rural counties are keeping this state red.” He challenged rivals on in-person travel and outreach: “I venture to challenge each candidate to tell me how many rural areas they visited,” he said. “I bet you I visited more than them.”
He tied that rural focus to a broader messaging argument: the party needs coherent communications that keep new voters engaged beyond the Trump era. “The biggest indicator to me is, number one, communications,” he said. “We have to have a message… one that’ll capitalize on the growth that President Trump has brought into the party, because pretty soon he’s not going to be around. And we gotta be able to capitalize on that… and keep the big tent open.”
Arellano also described “new media” as a structural shift, not a side project—bringing independent journalists and local influencers into the party’s information flow so grassroots voices are empowered with timely facts rather than left to chase rumors. “We don’t reach out to our grassroots individuals… you guys are putting out the truth, but you’re not being empowered by your state party,” he said. “We have to give you guys the access, we have to give you guys the information, we have to bring you into the loop, because you guys are the organic ones.” He said he already maintains lists of influencers and wants to formalize an “empowerment” program.
www.sergioforaz.gov
On youth engagement, Arellano praised Turning Point’s campus model but argued the GOP has to capture young activists when they “age out” after graduation. “What I want to do is… be able to capture those youth that are graduating or aging out from Turning Point Youth,” he said, and “put them to work… empower them and train them.” He criticized what he called the party’s habit of “use and abuse” during election years—burning through volunteers and then disappearing afterward. His proposed fix is to connect reliable volunteers, especially youth and minority activists, to appointments and civic opportunities between cycles so engagement becomes a pathway instead of a burnout loop.
Arellano said candidate support should be rebuilt with practical tools: restore trainings and create a real online pipeline for first-time candidates. “One thing that’s missing on our page is the resource page,” he said, describing a model he used with Latinos for Trump that directed activists to voter registration, campaign finance, and other basics. “If we… create a page on the AZGOP website for resources and candidate resources… we gotta point that to the individuals that want to run.” He said trainings could be hosted quarterly, in collaboration with existing organizations.
On staffing and day-one priorities, he put fundraising first. “First-term priorities is to circle back with those people that have signaled that they want to donate to the party,” he said. “Fundraise, fundraise, fundraise.” He added that a fundraising entity would be hired “day one.” From there, he argued the party needs clearly defined professional roles—“You need an executive director… you need a political director… you need a data director”—and tied those hires to measurable voter-registration and turnout goals at the district level.
Arellano also pushed for data modernization, saying the party should evaluate technology that provides real-time updates from door-knocking and voter contact so volunteers aren’t sent to bad addresses or miscategorized households. “We can go out and find the best possible technology… able to give us real-time updates,” he said, describing a system where canvass results upload immediately, improving accuracy and reducing wasted walks “half a mile up the driveway” to the wrong household.
On the “golden ticket” dispute and support for nonpartisan races like school board, Arellano rejected the idea that the state party must stay hands-off. “The party traditionally… has looked and said, ‘Hey, you’re a nonpartisan race, there’s no way we can support you,’” he said. “I like to push back and say… the people that are running are partisan.” His bottom line: if a candidate is a Republican doing Republican turnout work, the party should provide support—especially access to data—and he explicitly referenced including candidates on “golden tickets.”
Finally, Arellano said the AZGOP should separate itself from the Maricopa County Republican Committee’s building, arguing the current arrangement fuels distrust and reinforces the narrative that “one county… is running the state party.” “Most definitely,” he said. He called the prior sale of the party’s 24th Street building “very disappointing” and said a standalone state party office would reduce “blurring of the lines.”
In closing, Arellano argued the distinction is execution, not slogans. “We have a track record of getting things done,” he said, pointing to prior work opening victory offices in rural areas and serving as a spokesperson at multiple levels. “If anything, I would just revert back to my website… to see who has a record of accomplishment, and who just talks about accomplishing.”
Dr. Bob Branch: “A party that relies on one person to dial for dollars… it’s not a party, it’s a cult.”
Robert “Dr. Bob” Branch framed his AZGOP chair bid as a blunt systems overhaul: divide the work, run the party like an organization with fiduciary discipline, and stop pretending one “Messiah” can fix everything every two years.
“Yes,” Branch said when asked whether he would commit to a functional, transparent, professional party with filled leadership roles, regular meetings, and clear communication. “I don’t only commit to it, I submitted my plan on how to do it.”
Branch’s core pitch is division of labor—and he argues Arizona Republicans have never truly operated that way. He said the vice-chair roles routinely become “titles without duties” depending on the chair’s preferences, and he wants that structure flipped into an operational chain of command.
Under Branch’s model, the first vice chair becomes the operations lead. “My first vice chair is going to be my COO… in charge of operations… making sure that everything’s running smoothly,” he said. He added that the second vice chair would focus on county outreach and the third vice chair would focus on outreach to younger voters and expanding Republican registration.
Branch also said he wants to restore a more statewide, county-hosted culture for party business—getting meetings out of the Phoenix-centric bubble and building morale in counties that feel ignored. He recalled when the state party rotated meetings through counties and treated them as energizing events rather than internal battles.
On new media, Branch said the party must do more than “post to Facebook” and call it strategy. His idea is a story-driven recruitment push: record and amplify why everyday Arizonans became Republicans—especially younger voters and single-issue converts who later grow into broader conservatives. “We need people out there today telling their stories… I want to record those stories… even if it’s a single issue. Why are you a Republican?” he said.
Branch repeatedly returned to the aging party problem and argued that Republicans lose younger prospects by gatekeeping and internal criticism. “We have to stop being critical… we need to bring everybody into the fold,” he said, positioning today’s ideological split as “night and day” and insisting Republicans should recruit more aggressively, not police newcomers.
www.drbobbranch.com
On coalition-building, Branch described himself as “mild” and “even-keeled,” and said he is intentionally building bottom-up support through precinct committeemen rather than chasing flashy endorsements. “My philosophy is the precinct committeemen run the LD… I’m very much a bottom-up type person,” he said, adding that in a fractured party, endorsements can instantly trigger backlash from rival factions.
Branch took a more careful stance than some rivals on the “golden ticket” controversy—whether nonpartisan candidates like school board contenders can appear on party-backed slates. “Whatever I do is going to be according to law,” he said, adding that there may be lawful ways to support and distribute slates depending on funding and mailing structures, but he is not willing to gamble the party on a legal fight.
Where Branch went hardest was fundraising—and why donors are furious. He said he is already speaking with major donors and hearing the same complaint: big checks intended for turnout have instead been consumed by legal expenses. “Donors are mad… they’ve sent $100,000, $250,000, half a million bucks… thinking it was for the get-out-the-vote effort, only to go to lawyers,” he said.
Branch’s proposed fix is a “bucket” strategy that separates money by purpose so donors know exactly where it goes:
A GOTV bucket that “can never” be spent on anything else, intended to rebuild donor confidence.
A legal bucket he says should be funded largely through national channels and party leadership with national connections, since lawfare is predictable.
An overhead/operations bucket he says should be supported through grassroots fundraising via counties and legislative districts.
To drive that strategy, Branch wants to create a “Victory Council”—a donor and business-leader group whose specific job is raising money for victory operations rather than personality-driven fundraising. He mocked the current model where the entire party rises and falls on one chair’s ability to “dial for dollars.”
“There is 1.65 million Republicans registered in the state of Arizona… and you tell me that we don’t… we have to rely on one person to dial for dollars?” he said. “If we have a party that relies on just one person to dial for dollars, it’s not a party, it’s a cult.”
Branch also criticized the broader ecosystem of fundraising texts and national groups, warning that grassroots donors often don’t realize their money doesn’t flow back to Arizona party operations—making it harder for the state party to sustain itself.
In closing, Branch said what separates him is not personality but systems thinking—plus decades of involvement in Arizona Republican politics. He highlighted his professional background teaching leadership, business, technology, and programming (including AI/chatbots), arguing he is equipped to build durable infrastructure that “survives the chair” instead of resetting every cycle.
“The big difference is… the vision,” Branch said. “I’m the one with the vision that says… I have a total division of labor… I have a fundraising strategy… It survives the chair.”
Pam Kirby pitches “open communication” and an infrastructure rebuild in AZGOP chair race
Pam Kirby is making a straightforward argument: the state party needs tighter internal communication, clearer leadership roles, and a more aggressive posture toward independent media.
Kirby told State 48 News, party dysfunction and internal distrust are solvable, but only if leadership stops treating communication as optional. “I believe that the communication will be a keystone in tampering down quite a bit of the divisiveness that the party’s experiencing right now,” she said, outlining a plan for weekly executive board calls, monthly executive committee calls, and monthly state committeemen calls aimed at reducing rumor cycles and keeping activists aligned.
Kirby also called for filling key operational roles that she said have been neglected. “We definitely need a comms person,” she said, arguing the party needs both stronger internal messaging and clearer “forward-facing communications to the Arizona voter.”
www.pamkirbyaz.com
On the media front, Kirby drew a sharper contrast with current party practice, saying she sees “too much collaboration” with mainstream outlets and even “left-leaning media.” Her approach: lean into independent platforms and treat grassroots precinct leaders as a distributed message network. “We have an army in Arizona… when you consider all of the precinct committeemen,” she said, adding that aligned activists can become “the best media possible” through voter contact.
Kirby also addressed the ongoing debate over whether the AZGOP should include candidates in nonpartisan races—particularly school board—on party materials like the “golden ticket.” Her posture was blunt: legal counsel should help accomplish the party’s goals, not block them. “Don’t tell me no, tell me how,” she said, arguing the party has done it before and should do it again “assuming that the law hasn’t changed.”
Rural outreach was another theme. Kirby said she has spoken with contacts “in every county across Arizona” and hears a consistent message: smaller counties feel ignored. She connected that complaint back to her communications plan and pledged to rely heavily on county chairs to define local needs, rather than forcing a one-size-fits-all strategy.
Finally, Kirby signaled openness to moving the state party’s physical operations away from the Maricopa County Republican Committee’s building, saying the optics of that arrangement can deepen “infighting” and reinforce rural perceptions that they are not “at the same table” as the big counties. She said her goal is an “independent state party office” that can host meetings and serve as a real planning hub.
Looking toward the Jan. 24 vote, Kirby said her pitch is not just ideological alignment but operational readiness based on recent leadership experience. She described herself as the candidate who can “hit the ground… fast,” and said she is preparing a “30-day plan” to publish on her website, as a roadmap for her first month if elected.
Kathleen Winn: “We have to become professional” — and rebuild trust fast
Kathleen Winn, the Pima County Republican Committee chair and a conservative radio host, told State 48 News she is running on a back-to-basics overhaul: professional operations, consistent communication, and a statewide reset in trust ahead of the 2026 primary calendar.
“I think that we have to do that. We have to become professional,” Winn said, arguing the party has “alienated” precinct committeemen, state committeemen, and everyday Republicans who mostly see “the infighting going on in the party.” With only months to organize for primary season, she framed the chair race as an urgent rebuild: “If we don’t do that, we’re going to lose any credibility we have.”
Winn repeatedly returned to communication as the fix for what she called disorganization and internal distrust. “For me, communication would be key, and also getting with donors,” she said. “And rebuilding trust in the state and in the communities around the state, 15 counties, because each county’s different. What works in Maricopa may not work in Cochise or Mojave.”
On media, Winn said her background is an asset, not an add-on. “Well, I’m in media. I do a daily radio show every day, conservative,” she said, adding she’s booked national guests and routinely does interviews as Pima chair. Her pitch: stop treating press as hostile terrain and start acting like a major political organization again—expanding coverage statewide and showing up in outlets Republicans typically ignore. “We have to engage with the media,” she said, naming Spanish-language platforms as part of the mix: “Telemundo, and all the different Hispanic stations… I go anywhere that anyone asks me to go.”
Winn on Bannon 1/19/2026
Winn also put a spotlight on the party’s age gap and argued the solution is structural, not rhetorical—create real roles for young volunteers and stop talking at them. “It is… an opportunity for the older people in the party to start to mentor the younger people,” she said, “not tell them our good ideas, but listen more for what moves and inspires them.” She said young activists “need a seat at the table,” and tied that to the post-COVID political generation that experienced “the loss of freedom.”
On candidate development, Winn drew a careful line: she said the party should not “pick favorites,” but it can and should function as a serious resource hub—especially for first-time candidates who don’t know the mechanics. “There’s certain metrics that you have to do,” she said, including signatures, basic budgeting, field plans, and social media execution. “You provide that information so you give them the best safety net you can… so that we produce better candidates.”
Winn leaned into her position outside Maricopa County as a potential advantage, arguing it could help neutralize internal factions and force overdue attention on rural counties. She said she has reached out across the state—“I’ve talked to all 15 counties”—and criticized what she described as leadership that is accessible “to their friends” but not to the broader grassroots. “Everybody needs to know what to count on,” she said, emphasizing a numbers-driven approach: “My dad taught me that everything is a math problem.”
On the “golden ticket” dispute—particularly whether school board candidates in nominally nonpartisan races should be included—Winn acknowledged legal constraints but signaled she wants a workaround. “School boards are so critically important,” she said. “Nothing’s nonpartisan. Find me where nonpartisan exists.” Her solution: if the current format is legally risky, build a separate support vehicle tied to education and conservative-aligned candidates. When pressed, she summarized her approach in one line: “I’ll find a legal way to do it, yes.”
Asked about office arrangements, Winn said the AZGOP is currently operating out of Scottsdale under restrictions and described her preference as practical: don’t waste money chasing an office that sits empty—build a mobile, statewide operation that meets people where they are, using donated or borrowed spaces when needed.
Her closing message was aimed at ending internal warfare immediately. “I want to bring a big garbage can to Prescott and say, ‘Okay, everyone throw your trash in here, I’m going to take it out, you don’t get to keep it after that,’” Winn said. “We have a bigger problem to solve… and if we don’t focus on that… it’s not about who’s in charge, it’s what are you going to do to get Republicans elected. That’s why we exist. We’re not a social club.”